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ISSN Electrónico: 2500-9338

Volumen 26-N°1

Año 2026

Págs.129-145

Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets

Juan Manuel Andrade Navia

Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9644-0040

Elvia María Jimenez Zapata

Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5820-0505

Verenice Sanchez Castillo

Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3669-3123

Fecha de Recepción: 03 de agosto, 2025

Fecha de Aprobación: 10 de diciembre 2025

Fecha de Publicación: 23 de abril 2026

Abstract:

The objective of this article is to propose a model to evaluate the shopping culture in retail establishments. For this

purpose, the study is based on an exploratory ethnographic and descriptive approach. In this regard, the culture

construct was considered as an abstract element that affects human behavior, which can be described and defined in

different ways, so a broad review from multiple paradigms was conducted in order to operationalize it. The present

research found that the results of Cronbach's alpha for the values scales was 0.90, beliefs, 0.88 and underlying world,

0.76, which provide reliable results on these constructs. Likewise, the results obtained from the principal components

analysis indicate that the contribution of the constructs found were for values, 6 factors, explaining 63.4%; for beliefs,

5 factors, explaining 62.5% and the underlying world, 2 factors, explaining 54.9%, of the understanding of the problem

posed. In conclusion, it can be affirmed that consumption in the traditional neighborhood store is an active production

of meanings and is a place of symbolic exchanges.

Keywords: Shopping model, culture, retail stores, consumer behavior.

Doctor en Agroindustria y Desarrollo Agrícola Sostenible, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad Surcolombiana. juanmanuel.andrade@usco.edu.co

Doctora en Gestión, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad Surcolombiana, elvia.jimenez@usco.edu.co

Doctora en Antropología, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad de la Amazonia, ve.sanchez@udla.edu.co

CC BY-NC-SA 4.0

Atribución/Reconocimiento-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional

130

Modelo de evaluación de la cultura de compra en los comercios minoristas

Resumen:

El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un modelo para evaluar la cultura de compra en los establecimientos

comerciales. Para ello, el estudio se basa en un enfoque exploratorio etnográfico y descriptivo. En este sentido, se

consideró el constructo cultura como un elemento abstracto que afecta al comportamiento humano, el cual puede ser

descrito y definido de diferentes maneras, por lo que se realizó una amplia revisión desde múltiples paradigmas con el

fin de operacionalizarlo. En la presente investigación se encontró que los resultados del alfa de Cronbach para las

escalas de valores fueron de 0.90, creencias, 0.88 y mundo subyacente, 0.76, lo que proporciona resultados confiables

sobre estos constructos. Asimismo, los resultados obtenidos del análisis de componentes principales indican que la

contribución de los constructos encontrados fue para los valores, 6 factores, explicando el 63,4%; para las creencias,

5 factores, explicando el 62,5% y el mundo subyacente, 2 factores, explicando el 54,9%, de la comprensión del

problema planteado. En conclusión, se puede afirmar que el consumo en la tienda tradicional de barrio es una

producción activa de significados y es un lugar de intercambios simbólicos.

Palabras clave: Modelo de compra, cultura, tiendas minoristas, comportamiento del consumidor.

Modelo de avaliação da cultura de compra no comércio varejista

Resumo:

O objetivo deste artigo é propor um modelo para avaliar a cultura de compra em estabelecimentos comerciais. Para

isso, o estudo baseia-se em uma abordagem exploratória etnográfica e descritiva. Nesse sentido, considerou-se o

conceito de cultura como um elemento abstrato que afeta o comportamento humano, o qual pode ser descrito e definido

de diferentes maneiras, pelo que foi realizada uma ampla revisão a partir de múltiplos paradigmas com o objetivo de

operacionalizá-lo. Na presente investigação, verificou-se que os resultados do alfa de Cronbach para as escalas de

valores foram de 0,90, crenças, 0,88 e mundo subjacente, 0,76, o que fornece resultados confiáveis sobre esses

conceitos. Da mesma forma, os resultados obtidos da análise de componentes principais indicam que a contribuição

dos construtos encontrados foi para os valores, 6 fatores, explicando 63,4%; para as crenças, 5 fatores, explicando

62,5%; e para o mundo subjacente, 2 fatores, explicando 54,9% da compreensão do problema apresentado. Em

conclusão, pode-se afirmar que o consumo na loja tradicional do bairro é uma produção ativa de significados e é um

local de trocas simbólicas.

Palavras-chave: Modelo de compra, cultura, lojas de varejo, comportamento do consumidor..

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1. INTRODUCTION

Hunt (1976: 1983) argues that “marketing is the

science of behavior that attempts to explain the

exchange relations between buyers and sellers” and

Mauss (1954, cited by Levy, 1978) argues that in

exchange relations not only goods, properties, things

of economic value are traded, but also courtesy,

entertainment and rituals are marketed.

In the same conception, Levy (1978) argues that

marketing goes further, when what is exchanged is not

only money for products, but also intangibles (values,

beliefs, mental representations). In relation to this,

Páramo (2004) and Schein (1985) state that all human

behavior, be it consumption, sales or interaction, has

an explanation that lies deep in its structure, and to

carry it out, it is necessary to study the values, beliefs

and mental representations existing in the purchasing

culture.

On the relationship between culture and values, as well

as their impact on social life, Giddens (2000) argues

that culture is a set of values, norms and material

goods, characteristic of a given group; and values are

ideas that individuals or human groups have about

what is desirable, appropriate, good or bad. Because

of their non-material referentiality, values are not

explicit, they rest solidly in the mental depths, as “social

constructions”, which unconsciously regulate the

behavior and artifacts of the members of a society or

group (Hofstede, 1997).

Indeed, neighborhood stores stand out as a relevant

cultural phenomenon, given that in their dynamics they

have condensed a series of collective representations

that people in their immediate environment identify

through feelings of belonging, desires to share and

bonds of solidarity that are reflected in behavioral

norms and in the management of implicit codes such

as the following: “In neighborhood stores, commercial

practices based on trust are developed (...) people buy

because of proximity, the miniaturization of products

and the possibility of fiado, bargaining and ñapa”

(Ramírez & Pachón, 2004:102-103).

These traditional businesses are found everywhere,

because “as neighborhood stores have a spontaneous

location, one finds them in the middle of the block, on

street corners, in front of parks, near universities and in

any urban setting, regardless of the social stratum,

which is why they are considered a commercial

phenomenon, because in addition to surviving the

onslaught of global markets, they transcend their

hegemonic role as a supply scenario and is a reference

of human interactions, since it is integrated into the

cultural fabric of each region” (Baquero, 2009:23).

For Megicks (2007), small stores can address the

satisfaction of a variety of social needs and act more

flexibly than large stores (Kyle & Blair, 2007). These

small and local formats have the ability to adapt to

market situations (Ekström and Jönsson, 2022).

Likewise, the importance of stores is assumed as an

environment of interaction between people. Ramírez

and Pachón (2004:15-16) argue “that the city is not only

a spatial unit, but the space where citizens build

identities and therefore it is not possible to understand

society in general, nor the city in particular, if there is

no knowledge of the natural spaces that configure it

and give it its own dynamics, and unlike previous times,

when spaces were treated as purely physical, fixed and

immobile things, now they are approached as living

entities that are in movement”.

With regard to the configuration of the stores in the

context of their relationship with the city and the

neighborhood, there are two interpretations for their

interpretation: an instrumental one in which they are

understood as supply scenarios for the basic products

of the family basket; and another socio-anthropological

one, which approaches them as a physical space in

which people's interactions take place. From the

instrumental point of view, the closest definition to the

neighborhood store is the one proposed by González

& Pinilla (2004:48), who state that “they are

microenterprise businesses where a family group

works; they sell basic necessities, groceries,

beverages, liquors, miscellaneous and cleaning

products; they are part of the house and to achieve this,

they set up the garage, the living room or the front part

of the main room, suitable for serving customers”.

From the socio-anthropological point of view “it is a

cultural product, because it has three relevant qualities:

a physical materiality (i.e. the premises where it is

installed); symbolic, because it has a significant charge

that allows it to be recognized as a neighborhood store

anywhere; and social imaginary, because it is a place

where, besides finding basic products for the family

basket, it is a place for social encounters and social

interaction in the popular sectors” (Baquero, 2009:29).

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Baquero's argument illustrates precisely the

organization of meanings that the store articulates in

terms of the great symbolic fabric of the city, since “a

look at the city from the perspective of consumption

means exploring social and cultural processes to the

extent that consumption is a cultural practice that

accounts for the appropriation, use and mobility of

goods and the meanings present both in them and in

the scenarios where consumption transactions occur”

(Ramírez & Pachón: 2004:25).

In this way, the “traditional Colombian store can be

considered as a space of cultural reinforcement of

consumers” who go to it, since according to Páramo

(2009) there is a model of “identity proximity” that

highlights the different types of relationships

established between shopkeepers and consumers, in

which social ties are stronger than economic ones, in

contrast to the findings of Rémy & Kopel (2002), who

considered social ties as a make-up that hides the true

economic intentions of the relationships built between

the company or business and its markets.

The validity of Páramo's (2009) findings are also

applicable in countries and communities in which the

axis of the relationship between sellers and buyers is

constituted by social aspects, rather than commercial

ones, and in countries where cultural variables have a

greater incidence than marketing decisions (Bekolo,

2007). Similarly, it can be applied in Eastern European

countries where the political, social and economic

system underwent major mutations from a centrally

planned economy to a free market economy (Fassio &

Koleva, 2009; cited by Páramo et al., 2009).

It is important to note that the ties established and

maintained in the neighborhood store are based on the

permanent interaction among the participating

members: shopkeepers, consumers, friends and family

members who go there frequently, finding that the

value of these ties are deep, because they have been

appropriated over time through the performance of

rituals and mini-ceremonies; social ties contrary to what

Remy & Kopel (2002) call “socializing ties” that are

seen as a social clothing with which the commercial

motivations that give vitality to the relationship between

buyers and sellers are covered.

However, despite the research carried out to

understand the phenomenon of Colombian consumer

behavior and the daily relationship with neighborhood

stores, further research efforts are still needed to

discover and understand the impact of the shopping

culture on the commercial relationships that

characterize neighborhood stores.

In summary, neighborhood stores constitute essential

spaces for social interaction, community cohesion, and

cultural construction, where consumption transcends

the economic to become a symbolic practice that

reflects values, representations, and identity ties

(Giddens, 2000; Hofstede, 1997; Ramírez & Pachón,

2004). Various studies demonstrate that these

businesses operate under models of identity-based

proximity, in which trust, solidarity, and a sense of

belonging structure relationships stronger than

economic transactions (Ekström & Jönsson, 2022;

Páramo, 2009). This cultural dynamic is strengthened

in contexts where sociocultural variables have a

greater impact than market decisions, as is the case in

much of Latin America and in countries that have

undergone profound socioeconomic transformations

(CEPAL, 2023; Fassio & Koleva, 2009).

Furthermore, international organizations emphasize

that small businesses remain fundamental to the social

and economic well-being of neighborhoods, especially

in countries with high rates of informality and gaps in

access to formal services (World Bank, 2024; OECD,

2023). In Colombia, where more than 52% of urban

employment depends on micro-businesses and small-

scale production units, neighborhood stores fulfill a

strategic function as supply hubs and as spaces for

socialization, ritual, and cultural resistance against the

homogenization of modern commerce (DANE, 2024).

Despite their importance, academic literature points to

the need for further research into how purchasing

culture and social practices shape commercial

relationships, and how these links influence the

sustainability and permanence of local commerce in a

constantly changing urban environment.

Generally, the culture variable is approached as a

complex and abstract phenomenon that affects human

behavior, interpreted in the literature in multiple ways,

which greatly enriches the discussion (Donthu & Yoo,

1998; Furrer et al., 2000; Liu & McClure, 2001).

One of the pioneering works was carried out in 1952 by

Kroeber and Kluckhohn, who published a historical

study on culture entitled “Culture, a Critical Review of

Concepts and Definitions”, analyzing 174 definitions,

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from Tylor's pioneering one in 1871 to 1950 (Páramo,

2009). “From Tylor's definition (1871) to 1903, none

were found; between 1903 and 1916, 6 appear;

between 1920 and 1940, 47, and in the 1940s, 120, to

end up giving rather rambling definitions” (Aguirre,

2004:123).

Here are some definitions of culture from the

perspective of societies and human groups:

- “It is an integral whole constituted by utensils and

consumer goods, by the body of norms governing

different social groups, by ideas, crafts, beliefs and

customs” (Malinowski, 1931; cited by Zapata &

Rodriguez; 2008:203).

- “It is the pattern of basic assumptions that a group has

invented, discovered or developed through learning to

deal with problems of external adaptation and internal

integration and that has worked well enough to be

considered valid and to be taught to its members as the

correct way of perceiving, thinking and feeling in

relation to such problems” (Schein, 1985:5).

- “They are ways of living, of learned behaviors and

beliefs, of shared mental representations, of

interrelated ideologies and symbols whose meanings

provide orientations for the members of a society,

which are transmitted to other generations” (Gupta,

2003: 69, cited by García; 1994: 6).

- “It is the total set of learned beliefs, values and

customs, which serve to direct the consumer behavior

of the members of a specific society” (Schiffman &

Kanuk, 2005:409).

- “It is the collective programming of the mind that

distinguishes members of one group from another”

(Hofstede, 1997; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005:4).

A quick analysis shows common elements that should

be highlighted. Culture is learned, serves as a

framework for action, guides the conduct of its

members, establishing codes with which rewards are

generated for those who respect its rules and

punishments for those who violate them, and also

identifies groups of people who at the same time are

distinguished from others.

Given the importance that culture has had in the life of

organizations, there are also different theoretical

approaches, among which the following stand out:

- “It is the pattern of shared beliefs and values that are

developed within a company over time” (Gordon &

DiTomaso, 1992:784; cited by García; 1994: 6).

- “It is the set of customs, attitudes, values and beliefs

widely held by people working in an organization”

(Newman, 1986:92; cited by García; 1994: 5).

- “It is the accumulation of meanings, rituals, norms and

traditions shared by the members of an organization or

a society” (Solomon, 2008: 542).

In the face of the conceptual proliferation of the word

culture, operationalizing it has become a challenge for

those who have tried. “Many scholars have qualified

the concept in the following terms: multifaceted and not

very operational (Scholz, 1987); intangible and difficult

to define (Edwards & Kleiner, 1988); abstract (Barney,

1986); integrated by interrelated dimensions (Robbin,

1987); used in different ways, creating confusion and

conceptual ambiguity (Sackmann, 1992)” (García,

1994:3-4).

Among them, the character of being socially learned

stands out: “Culture is learned as a part of social

experience (...) and in this environment, children

acquire a set of beliefs, values and customs that

constitute their culture, all of which is acquired through

formal, informal and technical learning (...) they

communicate through shared languages and symbols

(...) they are transmitted through family, church, school

and mass media” (Schiffman & Kanuk, 2005:409).

A person behaves, thinks and feels in a way that is

congruent with other members of the same culture; he

or she appears to do so in a “natural” or “correct” way.

Through this process culture sets lax boundaries for

individual behavior and influences the functioning of

institutions such as the family and the mass media

(Hawkins et al., 2004; Schiffman & Kanuk, 2005). In

this way, culture provides the framework within which

individual, family and collective lifestyles evolve.

From the academic and business point of view, it is

accepted that organizational culture has a significant

impact on employee behavior and results (Deal &

Kennedy, 1982; Peters & Waterman, 1982; Sanchez,

2009). Thus, culture understood as shared patterns

that evolve over time, serves to reduce human

variability and to outline employee behaviors (Peters &

Waterman, 1982; Schein, 1985; Denison, 1990;

Sanchez, 2009).

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Corporate culture is the “glue” that holds organizations

together, providing cohesion and coherence between

the parts; but there are differences between the basic

assumptions about people and the world (Schneider,

1988). Corporate culture has been discussed in

multinational companies as a means of control by

headquarters over its subsidiaries through recruitment

of individuals who share the company's values,

socialization through training, personal interaction,

open-ended hiring, overseas internships, recreational

actions, and the location of employee housing in certain

locations (Schneider, 1988).

However, although it is fully accepted that culture has

a significant impact on the organization, “describing

how culture can influence the behavior of individuals to

generate better results is open to further controversy.

The source of the problems is threefold. First, the

concept of culture is controversial, since the currents of

research on organizational culture are divided into two

main camps, and the fact of understanding culture in

one way or another has consequences for the nature

of the study that can be carried out. A second problem

is the difficulty of measurement and the diversity of

instruments. The third problem is the scarcity of

agreement regarding the theoretical formulations on

organizational culture, and therefore, there is no body

of empirical knowledge with general validity” (Sanchez,

2009: 159-160).

Culture studies revolve around two general paradigms,

the functionalist and the interpretative (Sanchez,

2009): The functionalist, assumes culture as a

sociocultural system, whose study is to focus on finding

comparable functions and levels among all

organizations, assumes culture as an organizational

variable, independent or dependent, external or

internal (Siehl & Martin, 1990; Tichy, 1982). The

interpretative sees culture as a system of ideas where

each cultural system is unique, and understands it as

manifestations of the human unconscious through

metaphors or expressive forms (Geertz, 1973; Lamers,

1981; Malinowski, 1961). These conceptual

approaches to culture give rise to divergent and

mutually exclusive notions of the role of culture in

organizations (Allaire & Firsirotu, 1984). The choice of

a paradigm implies different methods of analysis and

processing.

It is the interpretative perspective that, first and

foremost, serves as the foundation for studying

shopkeepers in their close relationship with consumers,

especially because within these traditional small

Colombian businesses, symbolic relationships are

woven and come to light when both parties interact.

Having identified the main interpretative traits of

shopkeeper culture, the functionalist paradigm of

culture is the one best suited to establish the impact it

has on the conception and practice of shopping culture

in retail establishments.

This approach is also due to the fact that “Culture has

many elements organized along a continuum of

subjectivity and accessibility: basic assumptions,

values-norms, and visible artifacts (...) Basic

assumptions are unconscious patterns that can only be

accessed through direct interaction with their carriers

over an extended period of time. Visible artifacts are

unique to each organization, generated through a chain

of events that is often not transferable to other

corporations. In other words, a symbol may signify

different things in two distinct companies, due to

specific events in their life cycle (...) Thus, an empirical

study of organizational culture requires analyzing the

intermediate component (values and norms).

Therefore, the analysis of generalizable factors across

organizations, which allows for a functionalist

perspective, leads to studying values and their

embodiment in behavioral norms” (Sánchez, 2009:161-

162).

“To evaluate organizational culture, there are several

models. Inkeles & Levinson (1969) propose three

dimensions: hierarchical distance, self-representation,

and conflict management; Hofstede (1999) presents

five factors: power distance, uncertainty avoidance,

masculinity-femininity, collectivism-individualism, and

long-term vs. short-term orientation; Vallée (1985)

identifies three types of assets: intangible, material,

and social; Schein (1999) outlines three factors:

artifacts-behavior, values-beliefs, and underlying

worldviews; Trompenaars (1994) defines seven

categories: universalism/particularism, specific/diffuse,

individualism/collectivism, neutral/affective

relationships, achievement/ascription, relationship with

time, and relationship with nature” (Páramo et al., 2009:

37).

Among the researchers mentioned, Hofstede has been

the only one to widely apply empirical analysis of

cultural impact. However, the initial study focused on

the values of IBM employees across 53 subsidiaries,

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interviewing 116,000 employees between 1967 and

1973. While Hofstede's dimensions (2001) have been

used in many cultural studies, measuring culture at a

national level rather than cultural values, Hofstede’s

analyses (2001) overlook the variability of cultural

values among individuals within a country (Schneider,

1988).

Hofstede (2001) disregards differences in cultural

values among age groups within the same country.

This has compelled researchers to identify appropriate

tools to measure the impact of culture on exchange

relationships between consumers at an individual level,

as there is limited research on the subject (Donthu &

Yoo, 1998; Furrer et al., 2000; Kanousi, 2005).

Evidence from different epistemological stances

suggests that cultural dimensions significantly affect

service encounters. Winsted (1997) found differences

in restaurant service encounters between Japanese

customers, who emphasized group orientation (care,

kindness, formality), and American customers, who

prioritized individual orientation (friendliness,

promptness, personalized attention, positive attitude).

The study indicated that customers evaluate service

differently, and therefore, instruments developed in one

culture do not always perform well in others (Schneider,

1988).

This form of consumption is reflected in consumer

behavior through symbolic purchases, where

consumers acquire specific goods or services for what

they signify, based on the symbolism attributed by

society or parts of it. Such products or brands act as

social tools for symbolically communicating something

between the individual and their socially significant

references.

The group is understood as the entity that publicly

assigns symbols to specific products, highlighting their

importance to current or potential members. It

contributes to the transfer of social meaning and

monitors behavior, rewarding or punishing individuals

according to the extent to which they adopt the

symbolism attached to each product or brand.

Consumer culture manifests itself in distinct societal

subgroups with shared characteristics such as values,

beliefs, possessions, rituals, mental representations,

and symbolic forms. These subgroups self-select

based on a shared commitment to brands or specific

products. Their members often exhibit behaviors akin

to deep religiosity, elevating certain brands to the

status of icons due to the social recognition they confer

(Schouten, 1991).

Social institutions such as family, friends,

neighborhoods, communities, and social groups to

which individuals belong or aspire to belong exert

pressure. Through rituals or symbols accepted by all,

these groups encourage individuals to acquire products

that confer status, social position, prestige, and

recognition within the social environment in which they

operate daily.

Individual behavior arises from the constant interaction

of people with the socio-cultural environment in which

they operate. In fact, when describing a specific

consumer, the cultural group is always implicitly or

explicitly used as a reference for analysis (Venkatesh,

1995). It must be acknowledged that individuals are

products of their culture and social groupings and are

therefore conditioned by a defined, accepted, and

widely shared cultural environment (McCracken,

1986).

The conceptual developments of marketing have led to

its interpretation through two distinct paradigms: one

views it as a tool for maximizing profits regardless of

the consequences of its implementation, and the other

considers it from a cultural perspective. In the latter, not

only the consumer’s cultural patterns and symbols

converge, but also the cultural frameworks of the

executive linked to a specific organization connected to

a global market culture and a particular productive

sector. Thus, a product’s market is structured based on

three sources of values, beliefs, traditions, and distinct

ways of acting: those of the consumer, the company,

and the market (Páramo et al., 2007).

For an organization to be successful, it must build long-

term relationships with its core market (consumers,

buyers, clients) and, to this end, study the key aspects

of current market and organizational trends (Páramo,

2004). This leads to the emergence of

ethnoconsumption and the cultural dimension of

markets, where objects, norms, and exchange

elements acquire meaning (Venkatesh, 1995;

Spillman, 1999).

To study consumption from the perspective of the

social or cultural group to which an individual belongs

(Venkatesh, 1995), it is necessary to analyze the

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impact of the cultural practices of formal or informal

groups on purchasing and consumption habits.

Schneider (1988) argues that the construction of the

concept of culture has caused considerable confusion

because, despite the existence of multiple definitions,

they are often vague and general. Furthermore,

anthropologists, sociologists, and psychologists bring

specific paradigms and methodologies to the table,

creating challenges in reaching a consensus on

definitions as well as their evaluation and practical

application.

According to Schneider (1988), the model developed

by Schein (1985) helps to organize the puzzle pieces

of culture by dividing it into three levels: behaviors-

artifacts, beliefs-values, and assumptions or underlying

worldviews. These levels are classified by their degree

of visibility; behaviors and artifacts are easy to observe,

while beliefs, values, and underlying assumptions are

difficult to understand, explain, and measure. Laurent

(1986) posits that corporate culture can influence the

first two levels but has minimal impact on the

underlying assumptions embedded in national culture.

Culture, as a system of socially shared meanings that

guide and justify human behavior, approves or

condemns visible behaviors, which in turn find “logical”

explanations in deeper elements. These explanations

are rooted in values and beliefs or in that underlying

world that provides few rational justifications yet is

accepted as an irrefutable truth (Schneider et al.,

1993).

For Schein (1985), artifacts and behaviors form the tip

of the “iceberg“ representing observable aspects of

human behavior. Artifacts encompass all products that,

as symbols of a particular society, surround individuals

and confer status upon those who possess them,

differentiating them from those who cannot or do not

wish to acquire them. These artifacts gain recognition

to the extent that each culture assigns them a shared

symbolism among the members of that cultural group.

This implies that the existence of products outside

dominant cultural patterns would be impossible.

From the consumption phenomenon, artifacts are

explicitly related to the importance and social

significance of acquiring and possessing products as

symbols of collective recognition within a given culture.

For example, in certain cultures, owning a high-end

(luxury) car is viewed more favorably than owning a

low-end vehicle, which may be the only option for

individuals with limited economic means.

Behaviors or actions refer to the practices carried out

by members of a culture, which society either accepts

or rejects based on the codes established and

practiced among its members. If actions align with the

regulations of a given human group, the culture

encourages and promotes them. However, if they

contradict social norms, they are perceived as

disruptive factors to harmony and collective

coexistence and are condemned as irreverent and

harmful to the society one belongs to or aspires to join.

From the perspective of the consumption phenomenon,

there are classes, forms, and types of products that,

due to their greater social visibility, carry symbolic

meanings that grant higher recognition to their owners,

who are therefore willing to pay premium prices. Luxury

goods and prestigious brands are examples of such

products. Consumers who belong to or aspire to the

higher strata of society decide, within the framework of

dominant cultural patterns, to shop at malls and

exclusive stores where prices are typically higher.

The concept of value has drawn interest from

sociology, psychology, and education, but empirical

studies are scarce, with most focusing on theoretical

aspects. On this topic, Ramírez (2007:42-45), in his

doctoral dissertation, outlines several definitions that

reorient the understanding of values towards empirical

work:

- “It is the characteristic of something considered

desirable” (Foulquié, 1961:14).

- “They are deep beliefs about whether things or

actions are good and should be aspired to, or bad and

should be rejected” (Hoebel, 1973).

- “They are guides and determinants of social and

ideological actions, on one hand, and of the social

component, on the other” (Rokeach, 1973:24).

- “They are concepts, beliefs, intentions, or behaviors

that transcend specific situations and serve as guides

for the selection or evaluation of behaviors and events,

prioritized based on their relative importance”

(Schwartz, 1992:4).

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- “They are thoughts and ideas that drive a person to

act and relate to their environment in a specific way”

(Cobo, 1993:170).

- “They are evaluative beliefs that synthesize affective

and cognitive elements to guide individuals in the world

they live in” (Marini, 2000:28).

- “They are organized structures of cognitions about

some social entity, such as a person, group, role, or

evento” (Michener et al., 2004:107).

Hechter (1992, cited by Ramírez, 2007:47) asserts that

the study of values faces four challenges: they are not

observable; existing theories are insufficient to

understand how they shape behavior; behavioral

explanations are unconvincing when the value is

unknown; and there are significant difficulties in

measuring them.

On this last point, it has been stated that “the

measurement of values, like that of many other

psychological and social concepts, is still quite

imperfect, as there is a lack of standardization between

theoretical and empirical research.” However, the

Rokeach Value Survey (RVS) was developed to

measure values, distinguishing between eighteen

instrumental values (alpha 0.61-0.71) and eighteen

terminal values (alpha 0.69-0.78) (Rokeach, 1967,

1973). Schwartz (1994) found no empirical evidence

supporting the differences proposed by Rokeach

(1973) between instrumental and terminal values and

proposed the Schwartz Value Survey (SVS), which

includes ten values recognized in seventy cultures

worldwide: Hedonism, stimulation, self-direction,

universalism, benevolence, power, achievement,

conformity, tradition, and security. Rokeach asks

participants to rank the values, whereas Schwartz

requests they rate them on a 7-point scale (7, supreme

importance; 3, important; 0, not important; and -1,

opposed to my values). Later, Schwartz (2004)

developed the Personal Values Questionnaire (PVQ)

as an instrument containing “less abstract” items

(Ramírez, 2007: 47-49).

Regarding the definition of values, Hawkins et al.

(2004:40-42) state that values are generalized ideas

about what is desirable for a society. They affect

behavior because, through norms, they indicate an

acceptable range of responses to specific situations,

serve as guides for “appropriate” behavior, and enjoy

general acceptance among members of a society. On

the other hand, the limits that culture imposes on

behavior are called norms, which are rules specifying

or prohibiting certain behaviors in specific situations.

These norms influence consumption patterns and are

derived from cultural values, with their violation

punished by sanctions that vary across societies.

Values specify the importance and priorities people

assign to different concepts or things (Fraj et al., 2004).

According to Schiffman et al. (2005), values are few,

enduring, and difficult to change; they serve as a guide

for appropriate behavior. They are not tied to objects or

situations, are widely accepted by members of a

society, and are considered the “ideals” or “ought to be”

of a society. Thus, they can be summarized as “values

are the guiding beacons of human behavior, whether

individual or social” (Ramírez, 2007:2).

Sitaram & Codgell (1976) identified values such as

authority, education, money, efficiency, candor,

gratitude, hospitality, gender equality, hierarchy,

masculinity, motherhood, modesty, peace, punctuality,

environmental preservation, religiosity, respect for

elders, respect for youth, and wisdom.

Cheng & Schweitzer (1996) found values such as

adventure, collectivism, beauty, competence,

convenience, courtesy, economy, effectiveness,

family, health, individualism, cleanliness, magic,

modernity, nature, nutrition, leisure, patriotism,

popularity, and recreation.

Bearden & Netemeyer (1999) identified values such as

self-respect (conformity with one’s conscience),

security (physical, financial), warm relationships with

others (family, community, neighborhood, work,

friendships), self-fulfillment (feeling deserving of the

best), a sense of accomplishment (achieving goals),

being respected, a sense of belonging, enjoyment, and

pleasure in life. According to Beatty et al. (1986), there

are three types of value orientations: toward others, the

environment, and oneself.

Beliefs, like values, lie between artifacts and the

underlying world. They are nurtured over time through

rituals, myths, and legends that originated in the past

and have been transmitted across generations, gaining

an unparalleled status of absolute truth within specific

cultural contexts. As a result, some cultures are

immersed in beliefs rooted in traditions that challenge

current world precepts. For instance, pregnant women

and children are advised not to approach cemeteries or

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wakes because “it is believed that the aura emitted by

the deceased can make them ill” (Páramo & Ramírez,

2007).

The boundary between a value and a belief is quite

blurry. Beliefs arise from a lack of rational explanation

for certain natural phenomena; they are verbal or

mental statements of the “I believe” type about the

perception of facts. Beliefs are individually valid, while

values hold group validity (Schiffman et al., 2005).

According to Schein (1985), underlying assumptions or

worlds prescribe ways of perceiving, thinking, and

evaluating the world. They include perspectives on the

relationship with nature and human relations, reside in

the deepest part of the collective consciousness of a

human group, and represent assumptions taken as

true. Due to their immaterial nature, they are difficult to

question or justify. This deep-rooted, almost mysterious

nature makes these assumptions nearly immutable and

perennial. For their study and understanding, they

manifest through dominant values, beliefs, and

attitudes, many of which are closely linked to aspects

that, in one way or another, define what is right or

wrong within a framework of established norms.

To identify underlying assumptions or worlds, Schein

(1985) suggests answering several types of questions:

- Related to change: Is it inherently good or dangerous?

- Related to truth: Is it unique, inductive, or deductive?

- Related to the concept of time: Is it infinite or limited?

Cyclical or sequential? Monochronic or polychronic?

- Related to nature: Can it be controlled through human

actions, or is it predetermined by prevailing fatalism?

- Related to the handling of social rules: Are they

applied uniformly in all situations, or does their

application depend on particular circumstances?

- Related to human nature: Are people inherently good

or malevolent? Are personal relationships more

important than tasks and duties? How structured are

these interpersonal relationships? Is there a hierarchy

among them? Are they predominantly collective?

Given the complexity of underlying assumptions, the

concept of mental representation is employed, as

discussed by Berger & Luckmann (1966), Moscovici

(1961), and Marion (2003).

According to Berger & Luckmann (1966), the mental

representation of an object, product, or brand

corresponds to a set of opinions, information, and

beliefs about that object. It is a way of interpreting

everyday reality, a form of socially constructed and

shared knowledge that gives meaning to life and

contributes to the social construction of reality. This

knowledge is shaped by the reality of each object, the

subjective elements of the individual, and the social

system within which the relationship between the

observed object and the observing subject is inscribed.

For Moscovici (1961), every social representation

simultaneously reflects the form of something (an

object) and the profile of someone (a subject), whether

an individual, family, or group in relation to others. As a

result of this social process, categories emerge,

seeking to maximize perceived similarities between

objects classified within the same category

(assimilation) and perceived differences between

objects in different categories (contrast).

Thus, mental representations are classification

categories that serve to relate circumstances,

phenomena, or individuals; images that condense a set

of meanings; and frames of reference that allow the

interpretation of everything emerging in a given

research process (Marion, 2003).

2. METHODOLOGY

In this research, ethnography and analytical-

descriptive and quantitative methods were employed.

The application of the ethnographic method involved

observation, participation, written recording, video

recording, and was complemented with 28 in-depth

interviews with shopkeepers and consumers in

traditional neighborhood stores. The analytical-

descriptive method consisted of breaking down and

exploring the object of study, moving from the complex

to the simple. The in-depth interviews and quantitative

instruments were distributed across all socioeconomic

strata.

The quantitative method involved conducting 400

surveys in Neiva and processing them using factor

analysis. Both qualitative and quantitative techniques

and methodologies typical of social and human

sciences research were used to collect and analyze

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primary information. Qualitative information was

gathered through in-depth interviews, participant

observation, and non-participant observation. The

purpose of the in-depth interviews was to describe the

factors shaping the culture of purchasing in traditional

neighborhood stores. Observations were conducted at

different moments and under varying consumption

circumstances to capture as many situations as

possible in which the population consumes or shops in

these stores.

After transcribing the in-depth interviews, they were

presented to the interviewees for review and necessary

adjustments. Subsequently, spoken “portraits” or

“summaries” of each interview were created, and Likert

scale (5-point) statements were formulated to measure

values, beliefs, and the underlying world—factors that

shape the culture of purchasing. Cultural categories for

values, beliefs, and the underlying world were also

developed, grounded in theory, with data and analyses

integrated into categories aligned with the information.

Data from videos and field notes from observations

complemented these established categories and

introduced new ones not present in the interviews. The

findings were further reinforced with results from

previous studies by other researchers.

The findings from the qualitative investigation of values

and relational commitment served as the foundation for

designing a structured questionnaire using a Likert

scale (1 Disagree – 5 Agree) and multiple-choice

responses. The questionnaire was tested in group

sessions with consumers or buyers who were illiterate

to ensure the clarity of the questions. After making the

necessary adjustments, the final instrument was

applied to 420 buyers of traditional neighborhood

stores (95% confidence level and a maximum

allowable error of 4.7% in estimates). Quantitative data

analysis was conducted by processing 400 surveys

using the SPSS statistical package, which confirmed

the reliability and validity of the instruments applied.

The Cronbach's alpha results for the scales used were:

values 0.90, beliefs 0.88, and underlying world 0.76.

The results of the in-depth interviews, direct

observations, participant observations, and video

recordings with shopkeepers and consumers are

presented below.

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Values

To measure the construct of values among

shopkeepers and consumers in the traditional

neighborhood store, the categories proposed by

Sitaram & Codgell (1976), Cheng & Schweitzer (1996),

Bearden & Netemeyer (1999), Beatty et al. (1986); the

methods of participant and direct observation, filming

and the following questions to shopkeepers and

consumers were used: Why do people go to the store

and not to the supermarket? Do you think that

neighborhood stores are an integral part of the

community or product distribution centers? Why?

Finding with these the following common values:

Collective, trust, cordiality, economy, aesthetics,

gratitude, nutrition and leisure.

The Cronbach's alpha estimated for the values

construct was 0.89, an excellent level because it

exceeds the minimum level estimated by the experts

(Hernández et al., 2010). Likewise, the correlations are

significant because 100% of the variables that make up

the values construct have significance levels of 0.01 or

0.05. Two variables were suppressed because they

were not significant and contributed very little to the

construct: the shopkeeper often lends for the cab or

bus, 2.3; when I am bored I go to the store, 2.3.

Principal component analysis (PCA). To evaluate the

contribution of the dimensions of the relational values,

the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) method was

used, and its validity was obtained because the

requirements of Hair et al. (1999) were met. The

variables are good because through six dimensions

they explain 63.4% of the understanding of the problem

posed:

- F1. 17.0%. Aesthetics and cleanliness. Because the

store is clean, tidy, organized, the grocer serves well,

is well presented, and sells fresh and quality products.

- F2. 10.3%. Friendliness. Because the shopkeeper

gives advice, collaborates in community activities, is a

leader and avoids going to the center to consumers.

- F3. 10.2%. Trustworthiness. Because the

shopkeeper offers good prices, sells products when the

store is already closed, is a trustworthy person and has

good hours.

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140

- F4. 9.5%. Economy. Because the shopkeeper lets

products go when money is scarce, offers payment

facilities and buys products ordered by consumers.

- F5. 8.4%. Leisure. Because consumers go to the

store to greet neighbors, meet friends and have a good

time.

- F6. 8.0%. Savings. Because consumers consider the

store to be part of the neighborhood and sell small

quantities.

Beliefs

These are verbal or mental statements of the "I believe"

type, and they are nurtured over time through a series

of rituals, myths, and legends that circulate socially and

legitimize certain consumption practices (Páramo et al.,

2007; Schiffman et al., 2005). These beliefs function as

implicit guides to behavior and reflect how consumers

interpret their commercial environment, attributing

specific meanings to the actors and spaces involved in

exchange relationships. According to cultural

consumption theory, these types of representations are

consolidated in everyday life through repeated

interactions, purchasing habits, collective narratives,

and even early socialization processes (Arnould &

Thompson, 2005; World Bank, 2023). In the case of the

traditional neighborhood store, these beliefs are

especially significant because they are deeply rooted in

urban popular culture and the local economy that

characterizes many Latin American countries.

To understand the beliefs surrounding typical

exchange relationships between shopkeepers and

consumers in traditional neighborhood stores, the

following questions were asked: Why do people go to

the store and not the supermarket? Do you believe that

neighborhood stores are an integral part of the

community or simply product distribution centers?

Why? These questions allowed researchers to explore

not only consumer preferences but also the symbolic

and emotional values associated with these spaces, in

line with studies that highlight the role of micro-stores

as hubs of social cohesion, interpersonal trust, and

social capital in neighborhoods (CEPAL, 2023;

Putnam, 2000).

The following are beliefs found in the relationships

between merchants and consumers in exchange

relationships: I can dress however I want at the store, I

have a lot of fun with the merchant, the merchant knows

the consumers' tastes, the merchant is a trustworthy

person, the merchant does favors, the merchant knows

how to recognize the signs when customers buy, it's

easy to complain at the store, customers vent at the

store, children have cravings at the store, the service is

fast at the store, the store gives a little something extra,

the store sells everything, the store sells small

quantities, the store sells basic products, you can chat

with friends and neighbors at the store, the store is a

place of information, the store is close to home, the

store has good hours, the store has good prices. These

beliefs align with contemporary research showing that

local retail businesses simultaneously fulfill economic,

social, and emotional functions, and that these

functions explain their resilience even in the face of the

expansion of modern commerce and digital platforms

(Ekström & Jönsson, 2022; OECD, 2023).

The results of the principal component analysis (PCA)

of beliefs indicate that the variables identified through

ethnographic and quantitative methods are

appropriate, as they explain 62.5% of the

understanding of the problem posed across five

dimensions (alpha of 0.88). This level of explained

variance and the reliability obtained are within the

recommended standards for social science and

consumer behavior studies (Hair et al., 2021), which

reinforces the validity of the emerging dimensions:

F1. 15.5%. Friendliness. Because the shopkeeper is

helpful, provides good service, has convenient hours,

offers good prices, it is easy to file complaints, and

serves customers quickly. This factor relates to the

concept of proximity service, widely documented as a

differentiating attribute of small businesses (OECD,

2022).

F2. 15.5%. Economy. Because the store sells small

quantities, offers basic products for the family, is close

to home, I can dress as I like, and the children eat there.

This dimension aligns with studies that highlight how

neighborhood businesses promote economic and

physical accessibility, especially among low- and

middle-income households (World Bank, 2024).

F3. 13.0%. Relief. In the store, you can chat with friends

and neighbors, customers vent, and it's a place to get

information. This is a socio-emotional component,

widely recognized in the literature as an essential part

of the “spaces of social refuge” that strengthen the

community fabric (Baquero, 2009; Putnam, 2000).

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F4. 11.8%. Gratitude. Because the shopkeeper has a

demanding job and knows the customers' contact

information. This factor demonstrates relationships

based on reciprocity and moral recognition, typical

characteristics of relational economies and exchanges

laden with social meaning (Mauss, 1954/2009).

F5. 6.7%. Utility. Because the shopkeeper sells

everything. This dimension corresponds to the

functional versatility of neighborhood commerce,

documented in popular supply chain studies culture

and urban resilience (CEPAL, 2023; Ekström &

Jönsson, 2022).

Taken together, these five dimensions show that

beliefs about neighborhood stores are articulated

around affective, economic, social, and utilitarian

factors, confirming that this type of commerce

constitutes a hybrid phenomenon where consumption

practices, community ties, and deeply rooted cultural

meanings converge.

Mental representations

They prescribe ways of perceiving, thinking about, and

evaluating the world. They are rooted in the collective

consciousness and represent assumptions considered

self-evident, but which, due to their immaterial nature,

are difficult to question or even explicitly identify

(Schein, 1985). These representations function as

cultural categories of classification, through which

individuals organize everyday experience, interpret

social phenomena, and assign meanings to the

spaces, objects, and relationships that surround them.

In this sense, they constitute true “cognitive maps” that

guide social and economic practices and are shared by

the members of a community (Marion, 2003; Moscovici,

2000). From this perspective, neighborhood stores are

configured as symbolic units that condense values,

bonds, and norms that allow consumers to interpret

their function beyond the mere supply of goods,

integrating them into the repertoire of urban cultural

practices (Ramírez & Pachón, 2004).

To identify these mental representations, shopkeepers

and consumers were asked: What images, words, or

phrases come to mind when they hear “neighborhood

stores”? The responses revealed recurring mental

images: a nearby place, a source of immediate

gratification, a trusted space, a meeting place with

neighbors and friends, an informal information center,

a place where favors are done, a place for small

purchases, and a commercial hub where “you can find

everything.” These results confirm what has been

noted in the literature on local commerce, which

recognizes traditional stores as spaces where social

capital is produced and reproduced, and where

economic practices are deeply intertwined with social

relations of friendship, reciprocity, and solidarity

(CEPAL, 2023; Ekström & Jönsson, 2022; Putnam,

2000).

Principal component analysis (PCA) supports these

qualitative observations, revealing that the dimensions

identified through ethnographic and quantitative

methods are consistent and explain a significant

portion of the variability of the phenomenon.

Specifically, two dimensions explain 54.9% of the

identified cognitive structure (alpha = 0.76), indicating

adequate internal reliability according to

methodological standards in the social sciences (Hair

et al., 2021). The first dimension (F1 = 28.7%), called

Cordiality, encompasses elements such as closeness

to friends and neighbors, information flow, proximity to

home, and the satisfaction of cravings; components

that reinforce the idea of the store as a relational and

emotional space. The second dimension (F2 = 26.2%),

identified as Economy, integrates aspects such as

product variety, sales in small quantities, trust in the

shopkeeper, and availability outside of regular hours—

characteristics that reflect the flexibility and adaptability

of traditional commerce, attributes widely documented

in studies of urban microeconomics and local supply

systems (OECD, 2023; World Bank, 2024).

Thus, the analysis suggests that mental

representations of neighborhood stores operate

simultaneously on two levels: a symbolic-relational

one, based on friendliness and social interaction, and

an economic-functional one, linked to accessibility,

convenience, and trust. This duality reaffirms the

central role of these establishments in everyday urban

life and in shaping local economic and social dynamics.

4. CONCLUSIONS

The objective of the research was to propose a model

for evaluating the shopping culture of retail

establishments or neighborhood stores. In this respect,

a series of factors were found to be relevant for

consumers of the neighborhood store. In line with

Baudrillart (1970) and Páramo (2009), these factors

can be interpreted in the light of the store as a place of

symbolic exchanges between the people who attend,

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142

since social networks are woven around the

neighborhood store. This identity is so strong that the

intensity of the various relationships means that

interactions between neighbors are considered

relevant (Meneses, 2002), and in turn indicates that

these social ties are constantly reproduced.

The results obtained constitute a contribution to the

dynamics of understanding marketing phenomena in

the light of ethnography and sociology and not from an

instrumental point of view. It also serves as a reference

for new studies claiming the role of culture in economic,

social and political activities, among others.

Similarly, the present research allowed corroborating

what Bartels (1963), Zeithaml & Zeithaml (1984),

Palmatier et al. (2006), Runya & Droge (2008), Páramo

(2009), Sanclemente (2012), who argue that the

contexts in which marketing events take place should

be taken into account, because extrapolations should

not be made from countries coming from other

economies and cultures because concepts, systems

and techniques vary between different societies or

within the same country.

He also reaffirmed that consumption is not a purely

economic fact, explained only by economic theories,

but it is the existence of sociological, anthropological

and psychological theories that explain what happens

when individuals consume; but unfortunately these

views are given in isolation (Ramírez & Pachón, 2004).

Thus, Douglas & Ishewoord (1979) propose a dual

purpose of merchandise: to provide subsistence and to

establish social relations, which implies, in order to

understand the cultural model of purchase, to think of

merchandise as mobilizers of cultural meanings

(Ramírez & Pachón, 2004).

In the complex social reality in Colombia, the practice

of marketing is different, as it is contrary to what is

taught in schools and universities based on U.S. policy,

where students are trained to manage, control,

dominate and predict on the basis of consumer

satisfaction, so “marketing in Colombia” could fit in the

postmodern school of Europeans and South America

since it is less aggressive and less useful (Firat, 2005,

Páramo, 2009). It should be pointed out that

Colombia's cultural diversity requires a contextual

approach that should address the social and

commercial needs felt by the community. It is

necessary to avoid falling into a structuralist approach

to culture, where everything is determined in advance

and there is nothing new. The life of the community -

the neighborhood - is more important than the

commercial relationship itself, and therefore the

shopkeeper's role extends to the community where the

store is located.

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