ISSN Electrónico: 2500-9338  
Volumen 25-N°3  
Año 2025  
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0  
Atribución/Reconocimiento-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional  
Págs.129-145  
Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets  
Juan Manuel Andrade Navia1  
Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9644-0040  
Elvia María Jimenez Zapata2  
Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5820-0505  
Verenice Sanchez Castillo3  
Enlace ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3669-3123  
Fecha de Recepción: 03 de agosto, 2025  
Fecha de Aprobación: 10 de diciembre 2025  
Fecha de Publicación: 23 de abril 2025  
Abstract:  
The objective of this article is to propose a model to evaluate the shopping culture in retail establishments. For this  
purpose, the study is based on an exploratory ethnographic and descriptive approach. In this regard, the culture  
construct was considered as an abstract element that affects human behavior, which can be described and defined in  
different ways, so a broad review from multiple paradigms was conducted in order to operationalize it. The present  
research found that the results of Cronbach's alpha for the values scales was 0.90, beliefs, 0.88 and underlying world,  
0.76, which provide reliable results on these constructs. Likewise, the results obtained from the principal components  
analysis indicate that the contribution of the constructs found were for values, 6 factors, explaining 63.4%; for beliefs,  
5 factors, explaining 62.5% and the underlying world, 2 factors, explaining 54.9%, of the understanding of the problem  
posed. In conclusion, it can be affirmed that consumption in the traditional neighborhood store is an active production  
of meanings and is a place of symbolic exchanges.  
Keywords: Shopping model, culture, retail stores, consumer behavior.  
1 Doctor en Agroindustria y Desarrollo Agrícola Sostenible, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad Surcolombiana. juanmanuel.andrade@usco.edu.co  
2 Doctora en Gestión, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad Surcolombiana, elvia.jimenez@usco.edu.co  
3 Doctora en Antropología, docente de tiempo completo de la Universidad de la Amazonia, ve.sanchez@udla.edu.co  
129  
     
Modelo de evaluación de la cultura de compra en los comercios minoristas  
Resumen:  
El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un modelo para evaluar la cultura de compra en los establecimientos  
comerciales. Para ello, el estudio se basa en un enfoque exploratorio etnográfico y descriptivo. En este sentido, se  
consideró el constructo cultura como un elemento abstracto que afecta al comportamiento humano, el cual puede ser  
descrito y definido de diferentes maneras, por lo que se realizó una amplia revisión desde múltiples paradigmas con el  
fin de operacionalizarlo. En la presente investigación se encontró que los resultados del alfa de Cronbach para las  
escalas de valores fueron de 0.90, creencias, 0.88 y mundo subyacente, 0.76, lo que proporciona resultados confiables  
sobre estos constructos. Asimismo, los resultados obtenidos del análisis de componentes principales indican que la  
contribución de los constructos encontrados fue para los valores, 6 factores, explicando el 63,4%; para las creencias,  
5 factores, explicando el 62,5% y el mundo subyacente, 2 factores, explicando el 54,9%, de la comprensión del  
problema planteado. En conclusión, se puede afirmar que el consumo en la tienda tradicional de barrio es una  
producción activa de significados y es un lugar de intercambios simbólicos.  
Palabras clave: Modelo de compra, cultura, tiendas minoristas, comportamiento del consumidor.  
Modelo de avaliação da cultura de compra no comércio varejista  
Resumo:  
O objetivo deste artigo é propor um modelo para avaliar a cultura de compra em estabelecimentos comerciais. Para  
isso, o estudo baseia-se em uma abordagem exploratória etnográfica e descritiva. Nesse sentido, considerou-se o  
conceito de cultura como um elemento abstrato que afeta o comportamento humano, o qual pode ser descrito e definido  
de diferentes maneiras, pelo que foi realizada uma ampla revisão a partir de múltiplos paradigmas com o objetivo de  
operacionalizá-lo. Na presente investigação, verificou-se que os resultados do alfa de Cronbach para as escalas de  
valores foram de 0,90, crenças, 0,88 e mundo subjacente, 0,76, o que fornece resultados confiáveis sobre esses  
conceitos. Da mesma forma, os resultados obtidos da análise de componentes principais indicam que a contribuição  
dos construtos encontrados foi para os valores, 6 fatores, explicando 63,4%; para as crenças, 5 fatores, explicando  
62,5%; e para o mundo subjacente, 2 fatores, explicando 54,9% da compreensão do problema apresentado. Em  
conclusão, pode-se afirmar que o consumo na loja tradicional do bairro é uma produção ativa de significados e é um  
local de trocas simbólicas.  
Palavras-chave: Modelo de compra, cultura, lojas de varejo, comportamento do consumidor..  
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1. INTRODUCTION  
phenomenon, because in addition to surviving the  
onslaught of global markets, they transcend their  
hegemonic role as a supply scenario and is a reference  
of human interactions, since it is integrated into the  
cultural fabric of each region” (Baquero, 2009:23).  
Hunt (1976: 1983) argues that “marketing is the  
science of behavior that attempts to explain the  
exchange relations between buyers and sellers” and  
Mauss (1954, cited by Levy, 1978) argues that in  
exchange relations not only goods, properties, things  
of economic value are traded, but also courtesy,  
entertainment and rituals are marketed.  
For Megicks (2007), small stores can address the  
satisfaction of a variety of social needs and act more  
flexibly than large stores (Kyle & Blair, 2007). These  
small and local formats have the ability to adapt to  
market situations (Ekström and Jönsson, 2022).  
In the same conception, Levy (1978) argues that  
marketing goes further, when what is exchanged is not  
only money for products, but also intangibles (values,  
beliefs, mental representations). In relation to this,  
Páramo (2004) and Schein (1985) state that all human  
behavior, be it consumption, sales or interaction, has  
an explanation that lies deep in its structure, and to  
carry it out, it is necessary to study the values, beliefs  
and mental representations existing in the purchasing  
culture.  
Likewise, the importance of stores is assumed as an  
environment of interaction between people. Ramírez  
and Pachón (2004:15-16) argue “that the city is not only  
a spatial unit, but the space where citizens build  
identities and therefore it is not possible to understand  
society in general, nor the city in particular, if there is  
no knowledge of the natural spaces that configure it  
and give it its own dynamics, and unlike previous times,  
when spaces were treated as purely physical, fixed and  
immobile things, now they are approached as living  
entities that are in movement”.  
On the relationship between culture and values, as well  
as their impact on social life, Giddens (2000) argues  
that culture is a set of values, norms and material  
goods, characteristic of a given group; and values are  
ideas that individuals or human groups have about  
what is desirable, appropriate, good or bad. Because  
of their non-material referentiality, values are not  
explicit, they rest solidly in the mental depths, as “social  
constructions”, which unconsciously regulate the  
behavior and artifacts of the members of a society or  
group (Hofstede, 1997).  
With regard to the configuration of the stores in the  
context of their relationship with the city and the  
neighborhood, there are two interpretations for their  
interpretation: an instrumental one in which they are  
understood as supply scenarios for the basic products  
of the family basket; and another socio-anthropological  
one, which approaches them as a physical space in  
which people's interactions take place. From the  
instrumental point of view, the closest definition to the  
neighborhood store is the one proposed by González  
& Pinilla (2004:48), who state that “they are  
microenterprise businesses where a family group  
works; they sell basic necessities, groceries,  
beverages, liquors, miscellaneous and cleaning  
products; they are part of the house and to achieve this,  
they set up the garage, the living room or the front part  
of the main room, suitable for serving customers”.  
Indeed, neighborhood stores stand out as a relevant  
cultural phenomenon, given that in their dynamics they  
have condensed a series of collective representations  
that people in their immediate environment identify  
through feelings of belonging, desires to share and  
bonds of solidarity that are reflected in behavioral  
norms and in the management of implicit codes such  
as the following: “In neighborhood stores, commercial  
practices based on trust are developed (...) people buy  
because of proximity, the miniaturization of products  
and the possibility of fiado, bargaining and ñapa”  
(Ramírez & Pachón, 2004:102-103).  
From the socio-anthropological point of view “it is a  
cultural product, because it has three relevant qualities:  
a physical materiality (i.e. the premises where it is  
installed); symbolic, because it has a significant charge  
that allows it to be recognized as a neighborhood store  
anywhere; and social imaginary, because it is a place  
where, besides finding basic products for the family  
basket, it is a place for social encounters and social  
interaction in the popular sectors” (Baquero, 2009:29).  
These traditional businesses are found everywhere,  
because “as neighborhood stores have a spontaneous  
location, one finds them in the middle of the block, on  
street corners, in front of parks, near universities and in  
any urban setting, regardless of the social stratum,  
which is why they are considered a commercial  
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Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets  
Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
Baquero's  
argument  
illustrates  
precisely  
the  
stores, further research efforts are still needed to  
discover and understand the impact of the shopping  
culture on the commercial relationships that  
characterize neighborhood stores.  
organization of meanings that the store articulates in  
terms of the great symbolic fabric of the city, since “a  
look at the city from the perspective of consumption  
means exploring social and cultural processes to the  
extent that consumption is a cultural practice that  
accounts for the appropriation, use and mobility of  
goods and the meanings present both in them and in  
the scenarios where consumption transactions occur”  
(Ramírez & Pachón: 2004:25).  
In summary, neighborhood stores constitute essential  
spaces for social interaction, community cohesion, and  
cultural construction, where consumption transcends  
the economic to become a symbolic practice that  
reflects values, representations, and identity ties  
(Giddens, 2000; Hofstede, 1997; Ramírez & Pachón,  
2004). Various studies demonstrate that these  
businesses operate under models of identity-based  
proximity, in which trust, solidarity, and a sense of  
belonging structure relationships stronger than  
economic transactions (Ekström & Jönsson, 2022;  
Páramo, 2009). This cultural dynamic is strengthened  
in contexts where sociocultural variables have a  
greater impact than market decisions, as is the case in  
much of Latin America and in countries that have  
undergone profound socioeconomic transformations  
(CEPAL, 2023; Fassio & Koleva, 2009).  
In this way, the “traditional Colombian store can be  
considered as a space of cultural reinforcement of  
consumers” who go to it, since according to Páramo  
(2009) there is a model of “identity proximity” that  
highlights the different types of relationships  
established between shopkeepers and consumers, in  
which social ties are stronger than economic ones, in  
contrast to the findings of Rémy & Kopel (2002), who  
considered social ties as a make-up that hides the true  
economic intentions of the relationships built between  
the company or business and its markets.  
The validity of Páramo's (2009) findings are also  
applicable in countries and communities in which the  
axis of the relationship between sellers and buyers is  
constituted by social aspects, rather than commercial  
ones, and in countries where cultural variables have a  
greater incidence than marketing decisions (Bekolo,  
2007). Similarly, it can be applied in Eastern European  
countries where the political, social and economic  
system underwent major mutations from a centrally  
planned economy to a free market economy (Fassio &  
Koleva, 2009; cited by Páramo et al., 2009).  
Furthermore, international organizations emphasize  
that small businesses remain fundamental to the social  
and economic well-being of neighborhoods, especially  
in countries with high rates of informality and gaps in  
access to formal services (World Bank, 2024; OECD,  
2023). In Colombia, where more than 52% of urban  
employment depends on micro-businesses and small-  
scale production units, neighborhood stores fulfill a  
strategic function as supply hubs and as spaces for  
socialization, ritual, and cultural resistance against the  
homogenization of modern commerce (DANE, 2024).  
Despite their importance, academic literature points to  
the need for further research into how purchasing  
culture and social practices shape commercial  
relationships, and how these links influence the  
sustainability and permanence of local commerce in a  
constantly changing urban environment.  
It is important to note that the ties established and  
maintained in the neighborhood store are based on the  
permanent interaction among the participating  
members: shopkeepers, consumers, friends and family  
members who go there frequently, finding that the  
value of these ties are deep, because they have been  
appropriated over time through the performance of  
rituals and mini-ceremonies; social ties contrary to what  
Remy & Kopel (2002) call “socializing ties” that are  
seen as a social clothing with which the commercial  
motivations that give vitality to the relationship between  
buyers and sellers are covered.  
Generally, the culture variable is approached as a  
complex and abstract phenomenon that affects human  
behavior, interpreted in the literature in multiple ways,  
which greatly enriches the discussion (Donthu & Yoo,  
1998; Furrer et al., 2000; Liu & McClure, 2001).  
One of the pioneering works was carried out in 1952 by  
Kroeber and Kluckhohn, who published a historical  
study on culture entitled “Culture, a Critical Review of  
Concepts and Definitions”, analyzing 174 definitions,  
However, despite the research carried out to  
understand the phenomenon of Colombian consumer  
behavior and the daily relationship with neighborhood  
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from Tylor's pioneering one in 1871 to 1950 (Páramo,  
2009). “From Tylor's definition (1871) to 1903, none  
were found; between 1903 and 1916, 6 appear;  
between 1920 and 1940, 47, and in the 1940s, 120, to  
end up giving rather rambling definitions” (Aguirre,  
2004:123).  
- “It is the pattern of shared beliefs and values that are  
developed within a company over time” (Gordon &  
DiTomaso, 1992:784; cited by García; 1994: 6).  
- “It is the set of customs, attitudes, values and beliefs  
widely held by people working in an organization”  
(Newman, 1986:92; cited by García; 1994: 5).  
Here are some definitions of culture from the  
perspective of societies and human groups:  
- “It is the accumulation of meanings, rituals, norms and  
traditions shared by the members of an organization or  
a society” (Solomon, 2008: 542).  
- “It is an integral whole constituted by utensils and  
consumer goods, by the body of norms governing  
different social groups, by ideas, crafts, beliefs and  
customs” (Malinowski, 1931; cited by Zapata &  
Rodriguez; 2008:203).  
In the face of the conceptual proliferation of the word  
culture, operationalizing it has become a challenge for  
those who have tried. “Many scholars have qualified  
the concept in the following terms: multifaceted and not  
very operational (Scholz, 1987); intangible and difficult  
to define (Edwards & Kleiner, 1988); abstract (Barney,  
1986); integrated by interrelated dimensions (Robbin,  
1987); used in different ways, creating confusion and  
conceptual ambiguity (Sackmann, 1992)” (García,  
1994:3-4).  
- “It is the pattern of basic assumptions that a group has  
invented, discovered or developed through learning to  
deal with problems of external adaptation and internal  
integration and that has worked well enough to be  
considered valid and to be taught to its members as the  
correct way of perceiving, thinking and feeling in  
relation to such problems” (Schein, 1985:5).  
Among them, the character of being socially learned  
stands out: “Culture is learned as a part of social  
experience (...) and in this environment, children  
acquire a set of beliefs, values and customs that  
constitute their culture, all of which is acquired through  
formal, informal and technical learning (...) they  
communicate through shared languages and symbols  
(...) they are transmitted through family, church, school  
and mass media” (Schiffman & Kanuk, 2005:409).  
- “They are ways of living, of learned behaviors and  
beliefs, of shared mental representations, of  
interrelated ideologies and symbols whose meanings  
provide orientations for the members of a society,  
which are transmitted to other generations” (Gupta,  
2003: 69, cited by García; 1994: 6).  
- “It is the total set of learned beliefs, values and  
customs, which serve to direct the consumer behavior  
of the members of a specific society” (Schiffman &  
Kanuk, 2005:409).  
A person behaves, thinks and feels in a way that is  
congruent with other members of the same culture; he  
or she appears to do so in a “natural” or “correct” way.  
Through this process culture sets lax boundaries for  
individual behavior and influences the functioning of  
institutions such as the family and the mass media  
(Hawkins et al., 2004; Schiffman & Kanuk, 2005). In  
this way, culture provides the framework within which  
individual, family and collective lifestyles evolve.  
- “It is the collective programming of the mind that  
distinguishes members of one group from another”  
(Hofstede, 1997; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005:4).  
A quick analysis shows common elements that should  
be highlighted. Culture is learned, serves as a  
framework for action, guides the conduct of its  
members, establishing codes with which rewards are  
generated for those who respect its rules and  
punishments for those who violate them, and also  
identifies groups of people who at the same time are  
distinguished from others.  
From the academic and business point of view, it is  
accepted that organizational culture has a significant  
impact on employee behavior and results (Deal &  
Kennedy, 1982; Peters & Waterman, 1982; Sanchez,  
2009). Thus, culture understood as shared patterns  
that evolve over time, serves to reduce human  
variability and to outline employee behaviors (Peters &  
Waterman, 1982; Schein, 1985; Denison, 1990;  
Sanchez, 2009).  
Given the importance that culture has had in the life of  
organizations, there are also different theoretical  
approaches, among which the following stand out:  
133  
Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets  
Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
Corporate culture is the “glue” that holds organizations  
shopkeepers in their close relationship with consumers,  
especially because within these traditional small  
Colombian businesses, symbolic relationships are  
woven and come to light when both parties interact.  
Having identified the main interpretative traits of  
shopkeeper culture, the functionalist paradigm of  
culture is the one best suited to establish the impact it  
has on the conception and practice of shopping culture  
in retail establishments.  
together, providing cohesion and coherence between  
the parts; but there are differences between the basic  
assumptions about people and the world (Schneider,  
1988). Corporate culture has been discussed in  
multinational companies as a means of control by  
headquarters over its subsidiaries through recruitment  
of individuals who share the company's values,  
socialization through training, personal interaction,  
open-ended hiring, overseas internships, recreational  
actions, and the location of employee housing in certain  
locations (Schneider, 1988).  
This approach is also due to the fact that “Culture has  
many elements organized along a continuum of  
subjectivity and accessibility: basic assumptions,  
values-norms, and visible artifacts (...) Basic  
assumptions are unconscious patterns that can only be  
accessed through direct interaction with their carriers  
over an extended period of time. Visible artifacts are  
unique to each organization, generated through a chain  
of events that is often not transferable to other  
corporations. In other words, a symbol may signify  
different things in two distinct companies, due to  
specific events in their life cycle (...) Thus, an empirical  
study of organizational culture requires analyzing the  
However, although it is fully accepted that culture has  
a significant impact on the organization, “describing  
how culture can influence the behavior of individuals to  
generate better results is open to further controversy.  
The source of the problems is threefold. First, the  
concept of culture is controversial, since the currents of  
research on organizational culture are divided into two  
main camps, and the fact of understanding culture in  
one way or another has consequences for the nature  
of the study that can be carried out. A second problem  
is the difficulty of measurement and the diversity of  
instruments. The third problem is the scarcity of  
agreement regarding the theoretical formulations on  
organizational culture, and therefore, there is no body  
of empirical knowledge with general validity” (Sanchez,  
2009: 159-160).  
intermediate component  
Therefore, the analysis of generalizable factors across  
organizations, which allows for functionalist  
(values  
and  
norms).  
a
perspective, leads to studying values and their  
embodiment in behavioral norms” (Sánchez, 2009:161-  
162).  
Culture studies revolve around two general paradigms,  
the functionalist and the interpretative (Sanchez,  
2009): The functionalist, assumes culture as a  
sociocultural system, whose study is to focus on finding  
comparable functions and levels among all  
organizations, assumes culture as an organizational  
variable, independent or dependent, external or  
internal (Siehl & Martin, 1990; Tichy, 1982). The  
interpretative sees culture as a system of ideas where  
each cultural system is unique, and understands it as  
manifestations of the human unconscious through  
metaphors or expressive forms (Geertz, 1973; Lamers,  
“To evaluate organizational culture, there are several  
models. Inkeles & Levinson (1969) propose three  
dimensions: hierarchical distance, self-representation,  
and conflict management; Hofstede (1999) presents  
five factors: power distance, uncertainty avoidance,  
masculinity-femininity, collectivism-individualism, and  
long-term vs. short-term orientation; Vallée (1985)  
identifies three types of assets: intangible, material,  
and social; Schein (1999) outlines three factors:  
artifacts-behavior, values-beliefs, and underlying  
worldviews; Trompenaars (1994) defines seven  
categories: universalism/particularism, specific/diffuse,  
1981;  
Malinowski,  
1961).  
These  
conceptual  
individualism/collectivism,  
neutral/affective  
approaches to culture give rise to divergent and  
mutually exclusive notions of the role of culture in  
organizations (Allaire & Firsirotu, 1984). The choice of  
a paradigm implies different methods of analysis and  
processing.  
relationships, achievement/ascription, relationship with  
time, and relationship with nature” (Páramo et al., 2009:  
37).  
Among the researchers mentioned, Hofstede has been  
the only one to widely apply empirical analysis of  
cultural impact. However, the initial study focused on  
the values of IBM employees across 53 subsidiaries,  
It is the interpretative perspective that, first and  
foremost, serves as the foundation for studying  
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interviewing 116,000 employees between 1967 and  
1973. While Hofstede's dimensions (2001) have been  
used in many cultural studies, measuring culture at a  
national level rather than cultural values, Hofstede’s  
analyses (2001) overlook the variability of cultural  
values among individuals within a country (Schneider,  
1988).  
to deep religiosity, elevating certain brands to the  
status of icons due to the social recognition they confer  
(Schouten, 1991).  
Social  
institutions  
such  
as  
family,  
friends,  
neighborhoods, communities, and social groups to  
which individuals belong or aspire to belong exert  
pressure. Through rituals or symbols accepted by all,  
these groups encourage individuals to acquire products  
that confer status, social position, prestige, and  
recognition within the social environment in which they  
operate daily.  
Hofstede (2001) disregards differences in cultural  
values among age groups within the same country.  
This has compelled researchers to identify appropriate  
tools to measure the impact of culture on exchange  
relationships between consumers at an individual level,  
as there is limited research on the subject (Donthu &  
Yoo, 1998; Furrer et al., 2000; Kanousi, 2005).  
Individual behavior arises from the constant interaction  
of people with the socio-cultural environment in which  
they operate. In fact, when describing a specific  
consumer, the cultural group is always implicitly or  
explicitly used as a reference for analysis (Venkatesh,  
1995). It must be acknowledged that individuals are  
products of their culture and social groupings and are  
therefore conditioned by a defined, accepted, and  
widely shared cultural environment (McCracken,  
1986).  
Evidence from different epistemological stances  
suggests that cultural dimensions significantly affect  
service encounters. Winsted (1997) found differences  
in restaurant service encounters between Japanese  
customers, who emphasized group orientation (care,  
kindness, formality), and American customers, who  
prioritized  
individual  
orientation  
(friendliness,  
promptness, personalized attention, positive attitude).  
The study indicated that customers evaluate service  
differently, and therefore, instruments developed in one  
culture do not always perform well in others (Schneider,  
1988).  
The conceptual developments of marketing have led to  
its interpretation through two distinct paradigms: one  
views it as a tool for maximizing profits regardless of  
the consequences of its implementation, and the other  
considers it from a cultural perspective. In the latter, not  
only the consumer’s cultural patterns and symbols  
converge, but also the cultural frameworks of the  
executive linked to a specific organization connected to  
a global market culture and a particular productive  
sector. Thus, a product’s market is structured based on  
three sources of values, beliefs, traditions, and distinct  
ways of acting: those of the consumer, the company,  
and the market (Páramo et al., 2007).  
This form of consumption is reflected in consumer  
behavior  
through  
symbolic  
purchases,  
where  
consumers acquire specific goods or services for what  
they signify, based on the symbolism attributed by  
society or parts of it. Such products or brands act as  
social tools for symbolically communicating something  
between the individual and their socially significant  
references.  
The group is understood as the entity that publicly  
assigns symbols to specific products, highlighting their  
importance to current or potential members. It  
contributes to the transfer of social meaning and  
monitors behavior, rewarding or punishing individuals  
according to the extent to which they adopt the  
symbolism attached to each product or brand.  
For an organization to be successful, it must build long-  
term relationships with its core market (consumers,  
buyers, clients) and, to this end, study the key aspects  
of current market and organizational trends (Páramo,  
2004).  
This  
leads  
to  
the  
emergence  
of  
ethnoconsumption and the cultural dimension of  
markets, where objects, norms, and exchange  
elements acquire meaning (Venkatesh, 1995;  
Spillman, 1999).  
Consumer culture manifests itself in distinct societal  
subgroups with shared characteristics such as values,  
beliefs, possessions, rituals, mental representations,  
and symbolic forms. These subgroups self-select  
based on a shared commitment to brands or specific  
products. Their members often exhibit behaviors akin  
To study consumption from the perspective of the  
social or cultural group to which an individual belongs  
(Venkatesh, 1995), it is necessary to analyze the  
135  
Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets  
Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
impact of the cultural practices of formal or informal  
groups on purchasing and consumption habits.  
(luxury) car is viewed more favorably than owning a  
low-end vehicle, which may be the only option for  
individuals with limited economic means.  
Schneider (1988) argues that the construction of the  
concept of culture has caused considerable confusion  
because, despite the existence of multiple definitions,  
they are often vague and general. Furthermore,  
anthropologists, sociologists, and psychologists bring  
specific paradigms and methodologies to the table,  
creating challenges in reaching a consensus on  
definitions as well as their evaluation and practical  
application.  
Behaviors or actions refer to the practices carried out  
by members of a culture, which society either accepts  
or rejects based on the codes established and  
practiced among its members. If actions align with the  
regulations of a given human group, the culture  
encourages and promotes them. However, if they  
contradict social norms, they are perceived as  
disruptive factors to harmony and collective  
coexistence and are condemned as irreverent and  
harmful to the society one belongs to or aspires to join.  
According to Schneider (1988), the model developed  
by Schein (1985) helps to organize the puzzle pieces  
of culture by dividing it into three levels: behaviors-  
artifacts, beliefs-values, and assumptions or underlying  
worldviews. These levels are classified by their degree  
of visibility; behaviors and artifacts are easy to observe,  
while beliefs, values, and underlying assumptions are  
difficult to understand, explain, and measure. Laurent  
(1986) posits that corporate culture can influence the  
first two levels but has minimal impact on the  
underlying assumptions embedded in national culture.  
From the perspective of the consumption phenomenon,  
there are classes, forms, and types of products that,  
due to their greater social visibility, carry symbolic  
meanings that grant higher recognition to their owners,  
who are therefore willing to pay premium prices. Luxury  
goods and prestigious brands are examples of such  
products. Consumers who belong to or aspire to the  
higher strata of society decide, within the framework of  
dominant cultural patterns, to shop at malls and  
exclusive stores where prices are typically higher.  
Culture, as a system of socially shared meanings that  
guide and justify human behavior, approves or  
condemns visible behaviors, which in turn find “logical”  
explanations in deeper elements. These explanations  
are rooted in values and beliefs or in that underlying  
world that provides few rational justifications yet is  
accepted as an irrefutable truth (Schneider et al.,  
1993).  
The concept of value has drawn interest from  
sociology, psychology, and education, but empirical  
studies are scarce, with most focusing on theoretical  
aspects. On this topic, Ramírez (2007:42-45), in his  
doctoral dissertation, outlines several definitions that  
reorient the understanding of values towards empirical  
work:  
For Schein (1985), artifacts and behaviors form the tip  
of the “iceberg“ representing observable aspects of  
human behavior. Artifacts encompass all products that,  
as symbols of a particular society, surround individuals  
and confer status upon those who possess them,  
differentiating them from those who cannot or do not  
wish to acquire them. These artifacts gain recognition  
to the extent that each culture assigns them a shared  
symbolism among the members of that cultural group.  
This implies that the existence of products outside  
dominant cultural patterns would be impossible.  
- “It is the characteristic of something considered  
desirable” (Foulquié, 1961:14).  
- “They are deep beliefs about whether things or  
actions are good and should be aspired to, or bad and  
should be rejected” (Hoebel, 1973).  
- “They are guides and determinants of social and  
ideological actions, on one hand, and of the social  
component, on the other” (Rokeach, 1973:24).  
- “They are concepts, beliefs, intentions, or behaviors  
that transcend specific situations and serve as guides  
for the selection or evaluation of behaviors and events,  
prioritized based on their relative importance”  
(Schwartz, 1992:4).  
From the consumption phenomenon, artifacts are  
explicitly related to the importance and social  
significance of acquiring and possessing products as  
symbols of collective recognition within a given culture.  
For example, in certain cultures, owning a high-end  
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- “They are thoughts and ideas that drive a person to  
act and relate to their environment in a specific way”  
(Cobo, 1993:170).  
the other hand, the limits that culture imposes on  
behavior are called norms, which are rules specifying  
or prohibiting certain behaviors in specific situations.  
These norms influence consumption patterns and are  
derived from cultural values, with their violation  
punished by sanctions that vary across societies.  
- “They are evaluative beliefs that synthesize affective  
and cognitive elements to guide individuals in the world  
they live in” (Marini, 2000:28).  
Values specify the importance and priorities people  
assign to different concepts or things (Fraj et al., 2004).  
According to Schiffman et al. (2005), values are few,  
enduring, and difficult to change; they serve as a guide  
for appropriate behavior. They are not tied to objects or  
situations, are widely accepted by members of a  
society, and are considered the “ideals” or “ought to be”  
of a society. Thus, they can be summarized as “values  
are the guiding beacons of human behavior, whether  
individual or social” (Ramírez, 2007:2).  
- “They are organized structures of cognitions about  
some social entity, such as a person, group, role, or  
evento” (Michener et al., 2004:107).  
Hechter (1992, cited by Ramírez, 2007:47) asserts that  
the study of values faces four challenges: they are not  
observable; existing theories are insufficient to  
understand how they shape behavior; behavioral  
explanations are unconvincing when the value is  
unknown; and there are significant difficulties in  
measuring them.  
Sitaram & Codgell (1976) identified values such as  
authority, education, money, efficiency, candor,  
gratitude, hospitality, gender equality, hierarchy,  
masculinity, motherhood, modesty, peace, punctuality,  
environmental preservation, religiosity, respect for  
elders, respect for youth, and wisdom.  
On this last point, it has been stated that “the  
measurement of values, like that of many other  
psychological and social concepts, is still quite  
imperfect, as there is a lack of standardization between  
theoretical and empirical research.” However, the  
Rokeach Value Survey (RVS) was developed to  
measure values, distinguishing between eighteen  
instrumental values (alpha 0.61-0.71) and eighteen  
terminal values (alpha 0.69-0.78) (Rokeach, 1967,  
1973). Schwartz (1994) found no empirical evidence  
supporting the differences proposed by Rokeach  
(1973) between instrumental and terminal values and  
proposed the Schwartz Value Survey (SVS), which  
includes ten values recognized in seventy cultures  
worldwide: Hedonism, stimulation, self-direction,  
universalism, benevolence, power, achievement,  
conformity, tradition, and security. Rokeach asks  
participants to rank the values, whereas Schwartz  
requests they rate them on a 7-point scale (7, supreme  
importance; 3, important; 0, not important; and -1,  
opposed to my values). Later, Schwartz (2004)  
developed the Personal Values Questionnaire (PVQ)  
as an instrument containing “less abstract” items  
(Ramírez, 2007: 47-49).  
Cheng & Schweitzer (1996) found values such as  
adventure,  
collectivism,  
beauty,  
competence,  
convenience, courtesy, economy, effectiveness,  
family, health, individualism, cleanliness, magic,  
modernity, nature, nutrition, leisure, patriotism,  
popularity, and recreation.  
Bearden & Netemeyer (1999) identified values such as  
self-respect (conformity with one’s conscience),  
security (physical, financial), warm relationships with  
others (family, community, neighborhood, work,  
friendships), self-fulfillment (feeling deserving of the  
best), a sense of accomplishment (achieving goals),  
being respected, a sense of belonging, enjoyment, and  
pleasure in life. According to Beatty et al. (1986), there  
are three types of value orientations: toward others, the  
environment, and oneself.  
Beliefs, like values, lie between artifacts and the  
underlying world. They are nurtured over time through  
rituals, myths, and legends that originated in the past  
and have been transmitted across generations, gaining  
an unparalleled status of absolute truth within specific  
cultural contexts. As a result, some cultures are  
immersed in beliefs rooted in traditions that challenge  
current world precepts. For instance, pregnant women  
and children are advised not to approach cemeteries or  
Regarding the definition of values, Hawkins et al.  
(2004:40-42) state that values are generalized ideas  
about what is desirable for a society. They affect  
behavior because, through norms, they indicate an  
acceptable range of responses to specific situations,  
serve as guides for “appropriate” behavior, and enjoy  
general acceptance among members of a society. On  
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Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
wakes because “it is believed that the aura emitted by  
the deceased can make them ill” (Páramo & Ramírez,  
2007).  
According to Berger & Luckmann (1966), the mental  
representation of an object, product, or brand  
corresponds to a set of opinions, information, and  
beliefs about that object. It is a way of interpreting  
everyday reality, a form of socially constructed and  
shared knowledge that gives meaning to life and  
contributes to the social construction of reality. This  
knowledge is shaped by the reality of each object, the  
subjective elements of the individual, and the social  
system within which the relationship between the  
observed object and the observing subject is inscribed.  
The boundary between a value and a belief is quite  
blurry. Beliefs arise from a lack of rational explanation  
for certain natural phenomena; they are verbal or  
mental statements of the “I believe” type about the  
perception of facts. Beliefs are individually valid, while  
values hold group validity (Schiffman et al., 2005).  
According to Schein (1985), underlying assumptions or  
worlds prescribe ways of perceiving, thinking, and  
evaluating the world. They include perspectives on the  
relationship with nature and human relations, reside in  
the deepest part of the collective consciousness of a  
human group, and represent assumptions taken as  
true. Due to their immaterial nature, they are difficult to  
question or justify. This deep-rooted, almost mysterious  
nature makes these assumptions nearly immutable and  
perennial. For their study and understanding, they  
manifest through dominant values, beliefs, and  
attitudes, many of which are closely linked to aspects  
that, in one way or another, define what is right or  
wrong within a framework of established norms.  
For Moscovici (1961), every social representation  
simultaneously reflects the form of something (an  
object) and the profile of someone (a subject), whether  
an individual, family, or group in relation to others. As a  
result of this social process, categories emerge,  
seeking to maximize perceived similarities between  
objects classified within the same category  
(assimilation) and perceived differences between  
objects in different categories (contrast).  
Thus, mental representations are classification  
categories that serve to relate circumstances,  
phenomena, or individuals; images that condense a set  
of meanings; and frames of reference that allow the  
interpretation of everything emerging in a given  
research process (Marion, 2003).  
To identify underlying assumptions or worlds, Schein  
(1985) suggests answering several types of questions:  
- Related to change: Is it inherently good or dangerous?  
- Related to truth: Is it unique, inductive, or deductive?  
2. METHODOLOGY  
- Related to the concept of time: Is it infinite or limited?  
Cyclical or sequential? Monochronic or polychronic?  
In this research, ethnography and analytical-  
descriptive and quantitative methods were employed.  
The application of the ethnographic method involved  
observation, participation, written recording, video  
recording, and was complemented with 28 in-depth  
interviews with shopkeepers and consumers in  
traditional neighborhood stores. The analytical-  
descriptive method consisted of breaking down and  
exploring the object of study, moving from the complex  
to the simple. The in-depth interviews and quantitative  
instruments were distributed across all socioeconomic  
strata.  
- Related to nature: Can it be controlled through human  
actions, or is it predetermined by prevailing fatalism?  
- Related to the handling of social rules: Are they  
applied uniformly in all situations, or does their  
application depend on particular circumstances?  
- Related to human nature: Are people inherently good  
or malevolent? Are personal relationships more  
important than tasks and duties? How structured are  
these interpersonal relationships? Is there a hierarchy  
among them? Are they predominantly collective?  
The quantitative method involved conducting 400  
surveys in Neiva and processing them using factor  
analysis. Both qualitative and quantitative techniques  
and methodologies typical of social and human  
sciences research were used to collect and analyze  
Given the complexity of underlying assumptions, the  
concept of mental representation is employed, as  
discussed by Berger & Luckmann (1966), Moscovici  
(1961), and Marion (2003).  
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primary information. Qualitative information was  
gathered through in-depth interviews, participant  
observation, and non-participant observation. The  
purpose of the in-depth interviews was to describe the  
factors shaping the culture of purchasing in traditional  
neighborhood stores. Observations were conducted at  
different moments and under varying consumption  
circumstances to capture as many situations as  
possible in which the population consumes or shops in  
these stores.  
Values  
To measure the construct of values among  
shopkeepers and consumers in the traditional  
neighborhood store, the categories proposed by  
Sitaram & Codgell (1976), Cheng & Schweitzer (1996),  
Bearden & Netemeyer (1999), Beatty et al. (1986); the  
methods of participant and direct observation, filming  
and the following questions to shopkeepers and  
consumers were used: Why do people go to the store  
and not to the supermarket? Do you think that  
neighborhood stores are an integral part of the  
community or product distribution centers? Why?  
Finding with these the following common values:  
Collective, trust, cordiality, economy, aesthetics,  
gratitude, nutrition and leisure.  
After transcribing the in-depth interviews, they were  
presented to the interviewees for review and necessary  
adjustments. Subsequently, spoken “portraits” or  
“summaries” of each interview were created, and Likert  
scale (5-point) statements were formulated to measure  
values, beliefs, and the underlying world—factors that  
shape the culture of purchasing. Cultural categories for  
values, beliefs, and the underlying world were also  
developed, grounded in theory, with data and analyses  
integrated into categories aligned with the information.  
Data from videos and field notes from observations  
complemented these established categories and  
introduced new ones not present in the interviews. The  
findings were further reinforced with results from  
previous studies by other researchers.  
The Cronbach's alpha estimated for the values  
construct was 0.89, an excellent level because it  
exceeds the minimum level estimated by the experts  
(Hernández et al., 2010). Likewise, the correlations are  
significant because 100% of the variables that make up  
the values construct have significance levels of 0.01 or  
0.05. Two variables were suppressed because they  
were not significant and contributed very little to the  
construct: the shopkeeper often lends for the cab or  
bus, 2.3; when I am bored I go to the store, 2.3.  
The findings from the qualitative investigation of values  
and relational commitment served as the foundation for  
designing a structured questionnaire using a Likert  
scale (1 Disagree – 5 Agree) and multiple-choice  
responses. The questionnaire was tested in group  
sessions with consumers or buyers who were illiterate  
to ensure the clarity of the questions. After making the  
necessary adjustments, the final instrument was  
applied to 420 buyers of traditional neighborhood  
stores (95% confidence level and a maximum  
allowable error of 4.7% in estimates). Quantitative data  
analysis was conducted by processing 400 surveys  
using the SPSS statistical package, which confirmed  
the reliability and validity of the instruments applied.  
The Cronbach's alpha results for the scales used were:  
values 0.90, beliefs 0.88, and underlying world 0.76.  
Principal component analysis (PCA). To evaluate the  
contribution of the dimensions of the relational values,  
the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) method was  
used, and its validity was obtained because the  
requirements of Hair et al. (1999) were met. The  
variables are good because through six dimensions  
they explain 63.4% of the understanding of the problem  
posed:  
- F1. 17.0%. Aesthetics and cleanliness. Because the  
store is clean, tidy, organized, the grocer serves well,  
is well presented, and sells fresh and quality products.  
- F2. 10.3%. Friendliness. Because the shopkeeper  
gives advice, collaborates in community activities, is a  
leader and avoids going to the center to consumers.  
The results of the in-depth interviews, direct  
observations, participant observations, and video  
recordings with shopkeepers and consumers are  
presented below.  
-
F3. 10.2%. Trustworthiness.  
Because the  
shopkeeper offers good prices, sells products when the  
store is already closed, is a trustworthy person and has  
good hours.  
3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION  
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Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
- F4. 9.5%. Economy. Because the shopkeeper lets  
products go when money is scarce, offers payment  
facilities and buys products ordered by consumers.  
the consumers' tastes, the merchant is a trustworthy  
person, the merchant does favors, the merchant knows  
how to recognize the signs when customers buy, it's  
easy to complain at the store, customers vent at the  
store, children have cravings at the store, the service is  
fast at the store, the store gives a little something extra,  
the store sells everything, the store sells small  
quantities, the store sells basic products, you can chat  
with friends and neighbors at the store, the store is a  
place of information, the store is close to home, the  
store has good hours, the store has good prices. These  
beliefs align with contemporary research showing that  
local retail businesses simultaneously fulfill economic,  
social, and emotional functions, and that these  
functions explain their resilience even in the face of the  
expansion of modern commerce and digital platforms  
(Ekström & Jönsson, 2022; OECD, 2023).  
- F5. 8.4%. Leisure. Because consumers go to the  
store to greet neighbors, meet friends and have a good  
time.  
- F6. 8.0%. Savings. Because consumers consider the  
store to be part of the neighborhood and sell small  
quantities.  
Beliefs  
These are verbal or mental statements of the "I believe"  
type, and they are nurtured over time through a series  
of rituals, myths, and legends that circulate socially and  
legitimize certain consumption practices (Páramo et al.,  
2007; Schiffman et al., 2005). These beliefs function as  
implicit guides to behavior and reflect how consumers  
interpret their commercial environment, attributing  
specific meanings to the actors and spaces involved in  
The results of the principal component analysis (PCA)  
of beliefs indicate that the variables identified through  
ethnographic  
and  
quantitative  
methods  
are  
appropriate, as they explain 62.5% of the  
understanding of the problem posed across five  
dimensions (alpha of 0.88). This level of explained  
variance and the reliability obtained are within the  
recommended standards for social science and  
consumer behavior studies (Hair et al., 2021), which  
reinforces the validity of the emerging dimensions:  
exchange  
relationships.  
According  
to cultural  
consumption theory, these types of representations are  
consolidated in everyday life through repeated  
interactions, purchasing habits, collective narratives,  
and even early socialization processes (Arnould &  
Thompson, 2005; World Bank, 2023). In the case of the  
traditional neighborhood store, these beliefs are  
especially significant because they are deeply rooted in  
urban popular culture and the local economy that  
characterizes many Latin American countries.  
F1. 15.5%. Friendliness. Because the shopkeeper is  
helpful, provides good service, has convenient hours,  
offers good prices, it is easy to file complaints, and  
serves customers quickly. This factor relates to the  
concept of proximity service, widely documented as a  
differentiating attribute of small businesses (OECD,  
2022).  
To understand the beliefs surrounding typical  
exchange relationships between shopkeepers and  
consumers in traditional neighborhood stores, the  
following questions were asked: Why do people go to  
the store and not the supermarket? Do you believe that  
neighborhood stores are an integral part of the  
community or simply product distribution centers?  
Why? These questions allowed researchers to explore  
not only consumer preferences but also the symbolic  
and emotional values associated with these spaces, in  
line with studies that highlight the role of micro-stores  
as hubs of social cohesion, interpersonal trust, and  
social capital in neighborhoods (CEPAL, 2023;  
Putnam, 2000).  
F2. 15.5%. Economy. Because the store sells small  
quantities, offers basic products for the family, is close  
to home, I can dress as I like, and the children eat there.  
This dimension aligns with studies that highlight how  
neighborhood businesses promote economic and  
physical accessibility, especially among low- and  
middle-income households (World Bank, 2024).  
F3. 13.0%. Relief. In the store, you can chat with friends  
and neighbors, customers vent, and it's a place to get  
information. This is a socio-emotional component,  
widely recognized in the literature as an essential part  
of the “spaces of social refuge” that strengthen the  
community fabric (Baquero, 2009; Putnam, 2000).  
The following are beliefs found in the relationships  
between merchants and consumers in exchange  
relationships: I can dress however I want at the store, I  
have a lot of fun with the merchant, the merchant knows  
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F4. 11.8%. Gratitude. Because the shopkeeper has a  
demanding job and knows the customers' contact  
information. This factor demonstrates relationships  
based on reciprocity and moral recognition, typical  
characteristics of relational economies and exchanges  
laden with social meaning (Mauss, 1954/2009).  
purchases, and a commercial hub where “you can find  
everything.” These results confirm what has been  
noted in the literature on local commerce, which  
recognizes traditional stores as spaces where social  
capital is produced and reproduced, and where  
economic practices are deeply intertwined with social  
relations of friendship, reciprocity, and solidarity  
(CEPAL, 2023; Ekström & Jönsson, 2022; Putnam,  
2000).  
F5. 6.7%. Utility. Because the shopkeeper sells  
everything. This dimension corresponds to the  
functional versatility of neighborhood commerce,  
documented in popular supply chain studies culture  
and urban resilience (CEPAL, 2023; Ekström &  
Jönsson, 2022).  
Principal component analysis (PCA) supports these  
qualitative observations, revealing that the dimensions  
identified through ethnographic and quantitative  
methods are consistent and explain a significant  
portion of the variability of the phenomenon.  
Specifically, two dimensions explain 54.9% of the  
identified cognitive structure (alpha = 0.76), indicating  
Taken together, these five dimensions show that  
beliefs about neighborhood stores are articulated  
around affective, economic, social, and utilitarian  
factors, confirming that this type of commerce  
constitutes a hybrid phenomenon where consumption  
practices, community ties, and deeply rooted cultural  
meanings converge.  
adequate  
internal  
reliability  
according  
to  
methodological standards in the social sciences (Hair  
et al., 2021). The first dimension (F1 = 28.7%), called  
Cordiality, encompasses elements such as closeness  
to friends and neighbors, information flow, proximity to  
home, and the satisfaction of cravings; components  
that reinforce the idea of the store as a relational and  
emotional space. The second dimension (F2 = 26.2%),  
identified as Economy, integrates aspects such as  
product variety, sales in small quantities, trust in the  
shopkeeper, and availability outside of regular hours—  
characteristics that reflect the flexibility and adaptability  
of traditional commerce, attributes widely documented  
in studies of urban microeconomics and local supply  
systems (OECD, 2023; World Bank, 2024).  
Mental representations  
They prescribe ways of perceiving, thinking about, and  
evaluating the world. They are rooted in the collective  
consciousness and represent assumptions considered  
self-evident, but which, due to their immaterial nature,  
are difficult to question or even explicitly identify  
(Schein, 1985). These representations function as  
cultural categories of classification, through which  
individuals organize everyday experience, interpret  
social phenomena, and assign meanings to the  
spaces, objects, and relationships that surround them.  
In this sense, they constitute true “cognitive maps” that  
guide social and economic practices and are shared by  
the members of a community (Marion, 2003; Moscovici,  
2000). From this perspective, neighborhood stores are  
configured as symbolic units that condense values,  
bonds, and norms that allow consumers to interpret  
their function beyond the mere supply of goods,  
integrating them into the repertoire of urban cultural  
practices (Ramírez & Pachón, 2004).  
Thus,  
the  
analysis  
suggests  
that  
mental  
representations of neighborhood stores operate  
simultaneously on two levels: a symbolic-relational  
one, based on friendliness and social interaction, and  
an economic-functional one, linked to accessibility,  
convenience, and trust. This duality reaffirms the  
central role of these establishments in everyday urban  
life and in shaping local economic and social dynamics.  
4. CONCLUSIONS  
To identify these mental representations, shopkeepers  
and consumers were asked: What images, words, or  
phrases come to mind when they hear “neighborhood  
stores”? The responses revealed recurring mental  
images: a nearby place, a source of immediate  
gratification, a trusted space, a meeting place with  
neighbors and friends, an informal information center,  
a place where favors are done, a place for small  
The objective of the research was to propose a model  
for evaluating the shopping culture of retail  
establishments or neighborhood stores. In this respect,  
a series of factors were found to be relevant for  
consumers of the neighborhood store. In line with  
Baudrillart (1970) and Páramo (2009), these factors  
can be interpreted in the light of the store as a place of  
symbolic exchanges between the people who attend,  
141  
Model for assessing shopping culture in retail outlets  
Juan Manuel Andrade Navia, Elvia María Jiménez Zapata, Verenice Sánchez Castillo  
since social networks are woven around the  
to culture, where everything is determined in advance  
and there is nothing new. The life of the community -  
the neighborhood - is more important than the  
commercial relationship itself, and therefore the  
shopkeeper's role extends to the community where the  
store is located.  
neighborhood store. This identity is so strong that the  
intensity of the various relationships means that  
interactions between neighbors are considered  
relevant (Meneses, 2002), and in turn indicates that  
these social ties are constantly reproduced.  
The results obtained constitute a contribution to the  
dynamics of understanding marketing phenomena in  
the light of ethnography and sociology and not from an  
instrumental point of view. It also serves as a reference  
for new studies claiming the role of culture in economic,  
social and political activities, among others.  
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He also reaffirmed that consumption is not a purely  
economic fact, explained only by economic theories,  
but it is the existence of sociological, anthropological  
and psychological theories that explain what happens  
when individuals consume; but unfortunately these  
views are given in isolation (Ramírez & Pachón, 2004).  
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